Response and Commentary on the Video: Former Woke Mom Exposed “Gender-Affirming Care” Fraud
Introduction
It was suggested by a friend that I should consider watching a YouTube video on gender-affirming care fraud. When I linked to it, I found that Mia Hughes was being interviewed. I’ve had a little interaction with Ms. Hughes in the past, so I scrolled through quickly. I’ve heard many of the claims before, and have addressed them here and there. But I thought I’d make a concerted effort in one attempt. If there is any error in the interpretation of the video, it is mine.
The video is here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lsV0dDyTMBA&t=1s
Source: dadsavesamerica.com
Claims and Responses
1. Origin of the Speaker’s Position
Claim: The guest (Mia Hughes) became critical of gender-affirming medical practices after observing social and institutional reactions to criticism.
Supporting points:
- Reaction to the public backlash against J.K. Rowling was a turning point.
- The level of hostility toward dissent suggested ideological enforcement rather than open scientific debate.
- This prompted Hughes to investigate the research and institutions behind gender medicine.
Implicit premise: Scientific or medical claims should tolerate scrutiny without severe social punishment.
Response: I agree. Something is wrong, but the existence of backlash does not tell us what it is. I argue that the failure to understand the etiology of distress has caused considerable problems for patients and the medical field. Assuming only one possibility for that failure is repeating the mistake: what is the etiology of that failure?
2. The Issue Is Not Merely a Culture-War Fringe Topic
Claim: Gender medicine has become a major institutional and medical issue, not simply an internet or activist debate.
Arguments:
- Policies affect medical practice, education, and law.
- Major medical organizations and governments have adopted frameworks tied to gender-affirming care.
- Therefore the issue carries system-level consequences, particularly for minors.
Response: Correct. The rapid demographic shift—particularly the increase in natal females—remains insufficiently explained by current medical science. The two-threefold increase in natal females seeking referrals has altered the approach the medical community has taken towards the entire cohort: treat the distress. This collapse of the diagnostic effort has resulted in a one-way path for the medical community. It is a moral approach — stop the suffering. The problem, as pointed out, is a real institutional problem that should be addressed, not treated as either a malicious choice or institutional failure.
3. Historical Claims About Trans Identity
Claim: Historical narratives used to legitimize modern transgender frameworks are misleading.
Arguments:
- Examples often cited as historical precedents are argued to be contextually different phenomena.
- The speakers suggest that modern identity frameworks project current ideology onto historical cases.
Implicit premise: If the historical continuity claim is weak, modern identity frameworks may be culturally constructed rather than timeless.
Response: This is a sociological issue rather than a medical one. The medical issue is how to approach patient medical care in an objective, distinct etiological way. The sociological issue is what should or who should be believed so that society can proceed appropriately. Right now, the science does not offer clear guidance in any direction.
4. The Debate Over Autogynephilia
Claim: Certain theories about male gender dysphoria—particularly autogynephilia (AGP)—are excluded from mainstream discussion for political reasons.
Arguments:
- Some clinicians historically proposed AGP as an explanation for a subset of male transitions.
- According to the speakers, activist pressure has discouraged research or discussion of that hypothesis.
- Suppression of hypotheses is framed as ideological control over scientific inquiry.
Response: AGP has, at best, a limited application. While it is very likely to represent some individuals, there is no indication that it applies to a broad category of individuals. Given it applies to adults, it offers no understanding of younger patients. So, it might represent one etiology but not others, and further efforts at having a strong diagnostic framework would offer clarity as to differing presentations of distress.
5. Intellectual Origins of Gender Ideology
Claim: Modern gender identity theory partly traces back to the work of John Money and related academic frameworks.
Arguments:
- Money’s theories about gender being separable from biological sex are described as influential.
- His work is presented as foundational to later gender identity frameworks.
- Critics argue that the empirical support for those theories was weak or controversial.
Response: John Money represented a portion of the field of sexuality, namely that nurture was the dominant establisher over nature of personality development. Modern research into behavioral endocrinology refutes that position while acknowledging nurture does have some sociological impact. The support or derision for Money is rhetorically easy, but the science moved on and the protocols that were developed later recognized the failure of his hypothesis. The later literature also recognizes the benefit to a standardized approach of psychological care first, puberty suppression, hormone therapy, with surgery after a significant period.
6. Expansion into a Civil-Rights Framework
Claim: Gender identity moved from a clinical concept to a civil-rights category.
Reasoning:
- Activism reframed gender identity protections as analogous to race or sexual orientation.
- This shift encouraged institutions to adopt affirmation-based models.
- Once embedded in civil-rights frameworks, questioning medical practices becomes socially or legally risky.
Response: Generally correct. One aspect of how patients come to understand their condition is to fully embrace an explanation that may fit with their understanding of themselves but is in fact incorrect. Yet, for society to recognize the intrinsic rights of individuals to care and to be protected from abuse is beneficial. It tends to work negatively both ways: for the patient, once validation becomes fused with diagnosis, distinction itself is heard as denial; for society, once invalidation becomes fused with denial of rights, individuals become suspect by default. Understanding the differences in application and expression of gender identity can better inform a civil-rights approach.
7. Why Gay Rights Movements Supported Trans Activism
Claim: The alignment between gay rights organizations and transgender activism was partly strategic and political.
Arguments:
- Coalition building within LGBTQ movements encouraged shared advocacy.
- The speakers suggest that some early gay activists had reservations but supported the coalition for political leverage.
Response: Much of the current debate surrounding the inclusion or exclusion of transgender people within the gay-rights movement ignores that the debate existed in the early nineties also. There were arguments for and against, from within the gay community and from within the transgender community (though at the time, the T stood for transsexual). Political leverage was at the heart of the inclusive side then, and political cost at the heart of the exclusion side now.
8. Reinterpretation of Adolescent Distress
Claim: Normal puberty discomfort is increasingly interpreted as gender dysphoria.
Arguments:
- Adolescence involves identity confusion and body dissatisfaction.
- Some clinicians allegedly interpret these experiences through a gender-identity framework.
- This could increase diagnoses and medical interventions.
Response: Again, generally correct, but it is not an all-or-nothing situation. There is significant heterogeneity in the referred population that deserves a clear delineation of their etiologies, not “all are a misdiagnosis.” Having only one sociological or rhetorical approach is a different side of the same error: diagnosis should make distinctions.
9. Ethical Contradictions in Gender-Affirming Care
Claim: The model of “affirmation” conflicts with traditional medical ethics.
Arguments:
- Medicine typically requires differential diagnosis and caution before irreversible treatments.
- The speakers argue that affirmation protocols may bypass psychological exploration.
- Treatments (hormones, surgeries) may carry permanent consequences.
Response: As a general claim, yes. If it means recognizing the suffering and listening with respect towards the patient, it is ethically supportable. If it means “treat the symptom, not the individual patient,” it conflicts with diagnostic medicine. Current evidence does not establish clear long-term benefit or harm across heterogeneous youth populations. Diagnostic and ethical restraint is warranted. Absent clear benefits does not mean only harms exist.
10. Parental Pressure and Clinical Framing
Claim: Some clinicians pressure parents by framing refusal to affirm as dangerous.
Arguments:
- Parents are allegedly told that lack of affirmation increases suicide risk.
- This framing creates emotional coercion in medical decision-making.
Response: There have been reports of such situations and, if validated, it constitutes real harm. But there is no evidence that such framing is broadly prevalent or consistent. The best evidence supports intervention as improving mental-health conditions in some cohorts. The research evidence recognizes some limitations on broad application of the results. The mental health of patient cohorts is a real concern. Not just the patient’s condition, but their environment, constitutes concerns that need to be addressed. It is not, and should not be, the determining factor in treatment approach, but it should not be ignored or dismissed because some may have abused the patient’s situation. See Appendix I: “Trans Suicide.”
11. Institutional Role of WPATH
Claim: The World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) heavily shapes the field.
Arguments:
- WPATH guidelines influence medical practice globally.
- The speakers argue that the research base behind these guidelines is weak.
- They claim circular citation patterns between advocacy and medical publications.
Response: WPATH and other similar bodies have had significant influence. Reviews have found significant issues across them with guideline development. But even “consensus” does not mean robust evidence. Many of the guidelines cite the same evidence, even when the evidence is weak. Better evidence results in better guidance.
PMID 38594048 — “Clinical practice guidelines for gender-affirming care: systematic review” (2024)
12. Evidence Standards and Randomized Trials
Claim: The evidence base for youth transition treatments is weak.
Arguments:
- Randomized controlled trials are rare or absent.
- Observational studies are often cited instead.
- Critics argue that medical standards normally require stronger evidence.
Response: The claim’s arguments have two components. Medicine often does not work with randomized controlled trials when the condition is life threatening. Of course, one could argue that survival in those situations could have meant they would have survived without intervention, though many would object to that inference. Yet it is the inference here. The second half, “therefore evidence is weak,” overstates using the above inference that “there is no evidence.” Evidence is observational, limited, and heterogeneous, not absent. Weak evidence in heterogeneous cohorts requires greater cohort definition, better follow-up, and diagnosis before intervention. Neither harm nor benefit can be excluded because the evidence is uncertain.
PMID 39855724 — “Evidence for puberty blockers and gender-affirming hormones in youth”
13. Institutional Capture
Claim: Activism influenced medical institutions, journals, and professional organizations.
Arguments:
- Advocacy networks allegedly shaped guidelines and research priorities.
- Institutional consensus may therefore reflect political pressures rather than purely scientific processes.
Response: Plausible, but without proof as a categorical statement. Ethical convergence towards alleviating distress, guideline similarity, and a politically charged environment is more consistent with the evidence. A diagnostic framework that clarifies patient cohorts would continue to support the ethical pressure to treat patients well.
14. Severe Mental Illness and Transition
Claim: A subset of transition cases involve individuals with complex psychiatric histories.
Arguments:
- Mental-health comorbidities are common in gender-clinic populations.
- Critics argue these conditions should receive more clinical focus.
Response: At the population level, yes. Mental health and neurodevelopmental complexity are recurrent in the referred cohorts, but there is also significant variation and inconsistent reporting. Comorbidities do not mean incongruence does not exist, but unless there are clear mechanisms and diagnostic distinctions, ideological determination compounds, rather than resolves, the issues for the cohorts and society.
15. Children and Informed Consent
Claim: Minors cannot meaningfully consent to life-altering medical interventions.
Arguments:
- Adolescents lack full capacity to understand long-term consequences.
- Therefore medical transition for minors raises ethical concerns.
Response: “Cannot” is an absolute. Several different issues are being combined. The ability to consent by a 17-year-old is different than that of a 13-year-old. Further, neither solely makes any determination that the medical community relies upon. Life choices do not have certainty of outcomes for anyone, but it is valid that minors have other complications. Medical intervention, of any kind, is not without risk, some clear, some potential, and some remote. Understanding by any patient is not a distinct event granted at 18, but an evolving process during extended treatment. Consent should be the same. Some 13-year-olds may, because of years of education and experience related to their condition, understand better than 17- or 25-year-olds with limits on both. Clear diagnostic criteria can help. There is a safety risk for patient cohorts that are undifferentiated. Greater safeguards, cohort identification, diagnostic criteria, and follow-up are reasonable approaches to uncertainty.
16. Accountability and Legal Barriers
Claim: It is difficult to hold institutions accountable for harmful outcomes.
Arguments:
- Medical boards and professional associations often defend prevailing practices.
- Legal systems defer to medical consensus.
Implicit premise: Detransition and regret are minimized. Social transition is not neutral.
Response: Somewhat, but perhaps over-generalized. The current literature does not support widespread regret. Absence of follow-up does not mean dissatisfaction or regret. Stealth is a major goal for many that undergo medical transitioning. However, detransition remains insufficiently investigated and long-term follow-up is inadequate. The existing support for early intervention had stringent criteria that cannot support widespread implementation amongst heterogeneous cohorts. The existence of regret is not evidence for ending treatment pathways for all cohorts, only for better identification and appropriate treatment application.
No, social transition is not neutral. Generally the research shows that, weakly, it neither benefits nor harms. An assertion either way is not well supported. Because development is affected by environment, social transition should be treated as meaningful developmental intervention, not a zero-cost act of courtesy. It has clinical significance.
PMID 38594055 — “Social transition in children with gender dysphoria” (2024)
Regret rates in gender-affirming surgery (2024)
17. Political Entrenchment
Claim: Gender politics remains embedded in broader ideological conflict.
Arguments:
- The topic has become strongly tied to left-right political identity.
- Some countries are reconsidering policies, while others continue expanding them.
Implicit premise: The whole youth gender field should therefore be understood as fraud.
Response: This is unsupportable as a conclusion. There is uncertainty and, because it does exist, attempts to treat patients clearly is a moral approach even if the evidence is unclear. Institutional overconfidence in the face of that uncertainty is not fraud; it is reading weak evidence as sufficient to care. The weak evidence needs to be addressed with better guidance and better follow-up. There are real patients, real developmental incongruence, real harms from environmental factors, from “wrong puberty,” delayed treatment, and real harms from misclassification. If an issue exists, it is not due to fraud, but to the treatment of heterogeneous cohorts with heterogeneous distress as though they were a single cohort with a single mechanism requiring a single treatment pathway, on too weak evidence. The scandal would be to treat all gender care with the same myopia.
What Struck Me
The video exposes the same structural error on both sides of the debate. There is a symmetry of reasoning failure: heterogeneity collapsed into a single explanatory frame.
The field did it clinically. The video does it polemically. Both mistakes arise from replacing mechanism classification with narrative coherence.
First, the clinical collapse.
A heterogeneous population entered gender clinics over the last two decades. The literature consistently shows several characteristics:
- Rapidly rising referrals
- Major shift in sex ratio (increase in natal females)
- High psychiatric comorbidity in some cohorts
- Neurodevelopmental variation (especially autism-spectrum prevalence in some samples)
- Different ages of onset
- Different patterns of dysphoria persistence
Those characteristics alone imply multiple etiological pathways.
Yet the field increasingly adopted a single care pathway:
psychological affirmation → social transition → puberty blockers → cross-sex hormones → possible surgery
In my own work, I have repeatedly identified the collapse of diagnosis into protocol. The moment a patient arrives under the umbrella label gender dysphoria, the system begins moving them along a standardized treatment path rather than differentiating the mechanism producing the distress.
In classical medicine that is backwards. The usual order is:
symptom → differential diagnosis → mechanism identification → treatment
What happened instead was:
distress → identity validation → treatment pathway
The argument is not that the treatments are inherently illegitimate; it is that the diagnostic sorting step weakened dramatically.
Now look at what the video does.
The speakers observe real problems:
- weak evidence in some areas
- ideological pressure within institutions
- uneven data quality
- policy influence on medicine
- rapid clinical expansion
But then they perform the same collapse the medical system did. They treat a heterogeneous institutional phenomenon as though it had a single cause: fraud.
This is an explanatory shortcut.
The field could contain all of the following simultaneously:
- genuine patients
- overdiagnosis
- diagnostic confusion
- ideological pressure
- weak evidence standards
- institutional inertia
- policy-driven practice changes
But the video compresses that complexity into a single narrative: deliberate deception.
| Domain | Error |
|---|---|
| Clinical practice | Heterogeneous patient cohort → single treatment pathway |
| Polemical critique | Heterogeneous institutional behavior → single moral explanation (“fraud”) |
In both cases the intermediate analytical step—classification—disappears.
My work addresses this problem.
The key concept from Human Behavioral Patterns is multi-layer causation: biological substrate, developmental tuning, behavioral expression, and social interpretation. When that layered structure is ignored, complex phenomena get reduced to single explanations.
Likewise, in The Problem with Distress, distress is explicitly described as non-self-interpreting. A symptom cannot explain its own cause.
So the moment the system treats:
distress → gender identity → medical pathway
it is making the same category error as the critics who say:
clinical expansion → ideological activism → fraud
Both skip the step of mechanism differentiation.
Conclusion
First, there are real issues in the gender-care field.
Second, because those issues exist, it is not evidence that gender incongruence is unreal or that all medical intervention is corrupt.
Third, actual research supports caution and more research far more strongly than research supports blanket bans or zero-tolerance.
Fourth, the central error has been etiological flattening in clinical settings.
Fifth, resolution is not repeating the ideological error from the other side, but restoring diagnostic care: tighter cohorts, staged assessment and consent, developmentally literate differentiation, and long-term follow-up.
The present field has two simultaneous truths. It contains a real but small population with durable internal incongruence, and it now receives a much larger heterogeneous population whose distress may arise from multiple developmental, psychiatric, social, and body-based pathways. Current evidence is too weak to justify high-confidence pathwaying of that whole mixed population, but not so weak as to justify denial of the smaller population within it. The answer is not affirmation as reflex or prohibition as reflex. It is diagnosis before intervention.
Appendix I: “Trans Suicide, Not the Whole Story”
The 2015 U.S. Transgender Survey (USTS), which is the largest survey of transgender people in the U.S. to date, found that 81.7 percent of respondents reported ever seriously thinking about suicide in their lifetimes, while 48.3 percent had done so in the past year. In regard to suicide attempts, 40.4 percent reported attempting suicide at some point in their lifetimes, and 7.3 percent reported attempting suicide in the past year.1
Over 80% of trans people consider suicide at some point in their lives. There are many reasons offered to researchers, but I think two are telling:
- Rejection from family, friends, and community. Physical and emotional rejection leaves us adrift and without any support.
- Bullying and harassment from peers. Continuous verbal and physical altercations wear down a sense of self.
Many statistics about our community are taken out of context. It tends to be easier because often the study sizes are very small and often conflicting. Both sides of the argument tend to pay attention to the information that supports their argument. One common false statement is that post-sex-reassignment-surgery patients commit suicide as often or more often than those that do not undergo surgery. They don’t.
We observed no increase in suicide death risk over time and even a decrease in suicide death risk in trans women. However, the suicide risk in transgender people is higher than in the general population and seems to occur during every stage of transitioning.2
And:
Prior to initiating unspecified gender-affirming treatment(s), 73.3% of the sample reported a history of suicidal ideation; this percentage dropped to 43.4% following the initiation of gender-affirming treatment. Prior to treatment initiation, 35.8% of the sample reported a history of suicide attempt(s), and 9.4% reported a history of suicide attempt(s) after initiation of gender-affirming treatment.3
What follows does not apply to all trans. But much of it does. Many will demand proof, evidence that my statements are supported versus the “studies” that prove far less than they think they do.
When a child first starts to exhibit behaviors inconsistent with gender expectations at around 3–4, parents will either laugh about them, or, more usually, attempt to steer the child into behaviors more consistent with their expectations of gender conformity.
By the time the child enters school years, persistent non-conforming gender behavior will usually cause parents to make stronger efforts that can lead to punishment for the non-conforming behaviors. By the time the child is 6–8, the child will recognize that those actions result in punishment and respond by either hiding the behaviors or pushing back against the efforts at conformity. Most children hide, knowing that their behaviors have caused a rift between them and their parents even if their understanding of why is limited. Shame, fear, and alienation become daily emotions that in almost all cases will lead to various degrees of depression as the cycle repeats.
At school, and in the community, gender non-conforming behaviors provoke alienation from peers and bullying. When bullying occurs, other adults often will turn a blind eye or sometimes will encourage attempts to force conformity. The bullying and lack of adult prevention of it create an ineffective educational environment.
By the age of 9 or 10, illicit activities that allow the non-conforming behavior, either implicitly or explicitly, reinforce the isolation. Fear, shame, and alienation grow to dominate the emotional state. Drugs and alcohol are often sought out, worsening the already damaging emotional environment. Depression becomes a foundation for other problems. At home punishments escalate and at school and in the community, bullying worsens.
By around the age of 10–11 for girls, and 11–12 for boys, the only place the child can be okay is in the self, but that is about to change: puberty is coming. At this point, the fear and anger at the world, parents, and self reaches a point where there is little hope.
Maybe self-harm has already started, but if not, it often starts here along with suicidal ideation. Parents either try to hide the issues or seek religious or medical intervention to further the punishment cycle rather than address the underlying issue. Their own efforts to hide increase their emotional opposition to the non-conforming behavior.
The hormonal mix of puberty adds to the negative emotional state of the child. As they enter junior high or high school, non-conforming behavior brings increased bullying and tacit support of the bullying from other adults. Loss of support and betrayal from peers, outside adults, family members, and ultimately their own body overwhelms the child. Suicidal ideation moves to planning.
About teachers and other adults and bullying: Often the phrases “grow up,” “get a thicker skin,” “defend yourself,” and “well, you were provoking them” are not supportive to the child or preventative towards bullying. Children see these adults as bully enablers and supporters.
Suicides at this time are rarely attributed to gender non-conformity issues. If suicide occurs now, there is little desire by parents or other adults to expose the reasoning, if known, for the suicide. “A troubled child” is often the only explanation offered to others.
The teen sees three possible outcomes: nothing changes; suicide or repeated attempts increasing already significant issues; or attempts at conformity. The last will usually persuade parents and adults that “it was just a phase.” Attempts at conformity occur because the body’s betrayal is seen as inevitable. You cannot fight yourself.
Depending on the person and their relative attempts and successes, this period can last years and decades. For those that stagnate emotionally, their successes will be few. Those that attempted suicide might continue self-harming behaviors until succeeding in ending the pain, with few outside their immediate lives knowing why.
Various levels of successful conformity are seldom sufficient to deal with the continued internal dialogue that often includes imposter syndrome or shame at non-conforming thoughts. Societal pressures to conform cause non-conforming behavior in secret, increasing fear, shame, and alienation. Drugs and alcohol are often abused to varying degrees. Marriages fail and job stability suffers.
Suicides now are often unexplained or related to divorce, job loss, or drug/alcohol abuse.
At some point, those that survive or get past the suicide choice, the non-conforming behavior becomes self-affirming behavior despite family and community demands. Family and job demands complicate matters, but the adult has at least the minimal ability to hold off those demands to initialize a self-conforming life.
Societal pressure continues to perpetuate types of bullying. Peers and even strangers demand conformity, emotionally, verbally, and on occasion, physically.
Stresses caused by hormone replacement therapy often mimic the emotional state of puberty all over again. Suicide is not uncommon as the stresses build. Attempts by the adult, or others, to have medical or religious intervention, almost always to support the pressure to abandon non-conforming behaviors, add to the stress and pressure.
When suicide happens here, the non-conforming behavior is often the factor offered by others. The blame is put on hormones or transition itself, rather than the stresses family and community put on individuals that engage in non-conforming behavior.
People seeking to change sex (for themselves their gender has always been without question) post-puberty deal not only with the pressures and stresses of their choice, but the consequences puberty dealt them — bodies that are difficult to pass off as consistent with the presentation effort. The worse the situation (masculine or feminine bone and muscle structures, height, and voice), the more societal pressures grow. Bullying does not just exist in schools. It happens to adults on public transportation, in stores, and in jobs. Verbal and physical abuse are common.
Even post-transition, these pressures can continue. Often the emotional difficulties that permeated the non-conforming childhood remain unresolved. Parental abuse during childhood carries over into adulthood. The loss of family connections, fear of the past becoming known, and the lack of emotional support are all unresolved by completing a transition. Therapy prior to surgery should address, but often cannot completely correct the issues.
It would be helpful to the discussion, but beyond anyone interested, to understand to what extent the ability to be passing or not had in a suicide at this point.4 Too frequently the simple answer, that transition failed to fix the problem, is likely the wrong one. Studies which broadly say that transitioning does not help whatsoever rely on few cases, wherein this factor is known, and far too many adults seek to shift the blame for their own bullying or emotional failures.
For us original non-conforming children, we can do far worse within ourselves than our parents or peers ever do. We want to be normal; we want to be conforming; we want not to live in fear and shame; we want the unconditional love of our parents and family so many tell us is ours if we could just conform. But usually, it is beyond us to stop what is going on within us. Our true nature can be suppressed, but only at great emotional cost. And that cost is too much for many. The fear almost never goes away. We recognize that our parents and family are suffering because of our behavior. We often believe that our punishments are justified — that we are the bad people. Overcoming those thoughts is the goal of therapy, but that is ultimately achieved by understanding that we must accept ourselves first.
It is a wonder that any of us survive childhood and adulthood transitions. It is the external pressures that tip the balance. Always. And those pressures may never go away, even long after transition.
Whatever the reason, suicide is a surrender to the belief that whatever is happening today will continue to happen forever and there is no way to battle against it. It is a failure of every adult in a child’s life. As I write this, there was a trans woman that was held up as a fine example of a successful transition who committed suicide; why, we do not know. And just days later, a purported trans man assaulted a school and killed children just after telling a friend he expected to die that day — what we call suicide by cop. How do we stop instances like this when we do not know what was going on in their lives other than that it was clear they saw no value in living?
There is another side to discussions on suicide: this kind of statistic has been used by those that oppose treatment for gender incongruity. It has also been used by therapists against parents seeking to push back on their child’s assertion of gender incongruity. And it has been used by teens to force therapists, parents, and the medical community to give them the treatment they demand, or else.5
We, the community of incongruent people, need to push back against the use of statistics like the above for purposes of short-circuiting therapy and questioning adults. Many of us who have been around a long time welcome the increased access to medical transitioning, even for minors, but we have watched that access come at the expense of ensuring that everyone seeking it is adequately screened.
I never considered suicide. Certainly never tried. For whatever reason, I got through bullying and puberty without thinking that I could not face a future.
Teens today do not understand that society changes slowly, and the vast majority of people not only do not understand gender incongruity, they reject the concept out of hand. Nothing can force people to accept you, not even laws passed mandating it. We, they, have to learn to deal with the discrimination, deal with the abuse, and somehow still move forward with life.
Trauma
There is one area that needs some discussion: trauma-induced gender dysphoria. Usually the trauma is abuse, often sexual abuse, which causes children or teens to reject their natal sex because they believe it was the reason for the abuse, or because they hope they will never be abused again if they change their sex.
It is vital that therapists understand these situations, and work to address the patients’ trauma before considering any gender medical intervention. Over and over again I have heard harrowing accounts of abuse that occurred over the years. Extreme physical violence that, if exposed, would result in significant prison terms but because it was covered up (or dismissed) by the adults around the child, it never came to light. Worse, the violation of trust by other adults covering up the abuse damages a child’s ability to successfully interact with others for the rest of their lives.
When the child or teen does not seek to remove the offensive genitals, they will often suppress the memories of events so deeply that it takes years of consistent therapy to recover them. And if someone changes their sex in the meantime, that can cause someone to reconsider years of transition and surgeries.
And like other forms of PTSD, it comes along with other significant issues. Drugs and alcohol only hide the problem under an avalanche of other interpersonal issues. Suicide is often considered, tried too often, and successful frequently. It’s necessary for therapy to get to the root, deal with the trauma, and only then consider whether or not gender incongruity is a factor.
Notes
- Suicide Thoughts and Attempts Amongst Transgender Adults: https://escholarship.org/content/qt1812g3hm/qt1812g3hm.pdf
- Trends in suicide death risk in transgender people: results from the Amsterdam Cohort of Gender Dysphoria study (1972–2017): https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7317390/
- Suicide-Related Outcomes Following Gender-Affirming Treatment: A Review: https://www.cureus.com/articles/145464-suicide-related-outcomes-following-gender-affirming-treatment-a-review#!/
- “Passing” is the term for appearing in public, successfully, as one’s gender.
- Suicide by Clinic-Referred Transgender Adolescents in the United Kingdom: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8888486/